jul21
A REFORMA VISTA DOS EUA
It might not be beach material, but it’s timely, because there’s a WTO ministerial meeting this fall, and the fate of the appellate body (AB) will feature prominently. If the U.S. wants to get serious about WTO reform, this study can help reframe the conversation. The U.S. has long expressed bipartisan concerns about how the AB does its job. Some cut deeper than others. The study surveys these complaints, which range from the timeliness of AB rulings to questions about their precedential value. The Obama administration “blocked” a few appointments to the AB, but the Trump administration escalated things, bringing the institution to its knees by the end of 2019. The Biden administration seems to be in no rush to reverse this, or propose any reforms. This presents an obstacle to re-engaging with America’s allies, many of which have joined a temporary work-around while they wait for the U.S. to unblock the AB. The WTO has a two-tier judicial system for settling disputes among countries. An ad hoc panel hears the case first, but its ruling can be appealed to the AB, which has the last word. The AB is kept busy, as almost 70 percent of panel rulings are appealed. By correcting errors in the panel’s legal interpretations, the AB clarifies the rules and makes trade more predictable, which in turn leads to greater commerce. Yes, but nothing good will happen in November unless Biden gets serious about AB reform. Marc L. Busch is the Karl F. Landegger Professor of International Business Diplomacy at the Walsh School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University. https://thehill.com/opinion/international/564839-the-one-thing-biden-must-do-if-hes-serious-about-reforming-the-wto
jul21
Given that its accession coincided with the launch of the Doha
Round, China was able to participate in the new Round from
the very beginning. It has been thought that, as the biggest
developing country in the WTO, China would become the
leader of the developing country camp.
Since its accession to the WTO, China’s exports have been
growing exponentially. In 2009, China became the world’s top
goods exporter.77 Four years later, China unseated the United
States as the top trading nation in the world.7
The most notorious example of the Chinese
development model is the Made in China 2025 Plan, which
was prepared in 2014 by the Chinese Academy of Sciences
and the Chinese Academy of Engineering under the leadership
of the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology
(“MIIT”), along with the National Development and Reform
Commission (“NDRC”) and twenty government agencies.82
Officially adopted by the State Council in 2015,83 the Plan
sought to move China up in the value chain of industrial
activities and turn China into a manufacturing power that
controlled core technologies in key sectors such as new
information technology, numerical control tools, aerospace
equipment, semiconductors, electric vehicles and biotech by
2025.84 In particular, it aimed to achieve 70% self-sufficiency in high-tech industries by 2025, and a dominant position in
global markets by 2049—the hundredth anniversary of the
People’s Republic of China.85 To achieve these goals, the Plan
employed problematic tactics such as direct government
intervention, massive subsidies, investments and acquisitions
in foreign markets by State Owned Enterprises (“SOEs”), and
forced technology transfers.86 These practices led to
widespread criticisms against the Plan, with many
governments regarding it not only as economic aggression but
also a potential national security threat.87 In June 2018, the
European Union even brought a WTO case against China,
alleging China’s various technology transfer measures
violated various WTO rules including TRIPS, GATT 1994
and China’s Accession Protocol.88 Given the backlash, China
toned down the propaganda on the Plan, but observers suspect
that it has always remained on the Chinese government’s
agenda.
In May 2019, China submitted a formal proposal on WTO
reform, which further elaborated the main issues of concern to
China, as well as the specific actions that need to be taken.116
While many of the suggestions directly respond to the China related
reform proposals mentioned earlier, China also tried to
turn the table by launching its own offensives. For example,
China suggested that the first priority should be solving the
existential issues facing the WTO, such as the impasse over
the Appellate Body Member appointment process, the abuse
of the national security exception and the resort to unilateral
measures.117 Of course, given the mounting pressure, most of
the Chinese proposals directly address the aforementioned
points.
Henry Gao
jul21
Twenty-five years after its establishment, the World Trade
Organization (“WTO”) is at a critical juncture: its first and
only negotiating round is effectively dead, two of its largest
Members are engaged in a no-holds-barred trade war, and its
crown jewel—the Appellate Body—is in paralysis. The silver
lining emerging amidst the gathering clouds, however, is a
growing consensus among the WTO Membership for the
exigency of WTO reform. Another consensus that has
emerged is the importance of China to WTO reform, not only
because it is a key member as the largest trader in the world,
but also because, as some Members believe, there is an
inherent tension between the WTO—an organization built
upon market economy principles—and China, the biggest nonmarket
economy in the world.
Henry Gao
jul21
REFORMA
The WTO has not been fulfilling this function. Many members have prioritised bilateral or
regional cooperation. Some – notably the United States (US) – have resorted to unilateral
action instead of going through the WTO, targeting perceived unfair trade practices by
China as well as other trading partners. Those affected can no longer challenge these
measures through the WTO dispute settlement process because of parallel US action
to shut down the WTO Appellate Body, reflecting unhappiness with rulings on disputes
centering on US measures against imports from China and specific features of China’s
trade regime. Without a functioning Appellate Body, a WTO member that loses a dispute
case at the first instance panel stage can ‘appeal into the void’, with the result that the
panel report does not enter into force. This greatly reduces the effectiveness of the
WTO dispute settlement system and the ability (incentive) of WTO members targeted
by unilateral measures to contest these at the WTO, fostering recourse to unilateral
retaliatory measures in turn.
Bernard Hoekman, TU Xinquan, and WANG Dong
EUI and CEPR; UIBE; Peking University
jun21
How to cope with weaponised interdependence is not the only problem afflicting the beleaguered WTO; addressing it will not be a silver bullet to solve the organisation’s many other problems, exemplified by the failed Doha negotiations, a hamstrung transparency mechanism, and a paralysed dispute settlement mechanism.[17] But rebooting the WTO to manage weaponised interdependence may help clarify the organisation’s purpose and develop tighter rules of membership; some resolution of these issues, in turn, could have a constructive impact on decision-making processes, redefining mandate and issue scope and encouraging compliance. While developing a full-fledged reform agenda lies beyond the scope of this article, three steps will be integral to bringing about any meaningful reform. First, those seeking to reform the WTO will need to fundamentally rethink prior assumptions—assumptions that had admittedly served the system well for almost 70 years. Under conditions of weaponised interdependence, the link between prosperity and peace loses its inevitability. If global value chains can be exploited for geostrategic purposes, then a reckless pursuit of prosperity may come at the cost of national security. Reform of the WTO simply in order to promote trade as a valuable goal in itself—isolated from geoeconomic considerations—will likely turn out to be counterproductive. This means a reconsideration of the very purpose of trade multilateralism, as well as the form of globalisation it espouses. https://www.orfonline.org/research/holding-up-a-mirror-to-the-world-trade-organization-lessons-from-the-covid-19-pandemic/ Amrita Narlikar, “Holding Up a Mirror to the World Trade Organization: Lessons from the COVID-19 Pandemic,” ORF Special Report No. 141, June 2021, Observer Research Foundation.
jul21
The World Trade Organization’s (WTO) 12th Ministerial Conference (MC12), originally scheduled for Nur-Sultan in December 2019, is now slated for December 2021 in Geneva. With less than six months to go, it remains uncertain where the leadership and compromise required for meaningful outcomes will come from. Chinese President Xi Jinping’s 2017 Davos address was interpreted by many as a sign that China was about to step up to global trade leadership. This has largely not materialised — made unlikely by China’s position that its WTO accession commitments represent the full extent of liberalisation it should be expected to make, and by its suspicion toward WTO reform conversations centred on new disciplines on state capitalism. The election of Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala as WTO director-general has sparked hope that her drive, energy and star power might kickstart a renaissance — expectations she has tried to manage. She has been relentlessly active on a number of fronts, and a reform of the WTO Secretariat is in progress. Yet her authority is severely limited and can’t replace genuine engagement from members.In the absence of leadership from major players or movement on central WTO mandate issues, it has fallen to middle powers to try to energise momentum in other areas. With WTO members unable to provide the leadership or compromises for rulemaking, the WTO itself could wield its enormous soft power to effect change by leveraging its reputation for neutrality, its highly qualified secretariat, and the Director-General’s tremendous convening power and energy. It may have to for MC12 to be a success.
Dmitry Grozoubinski is Executive Director of the Geneva Trade Platform in the Centre for Trade and Economic Integration at the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies (IHEID), Geneva. He is Editor of WTO Plurilaterals, a new online resource for information about plurilateral negotiations at the WTO. https://www.eastasiaforum.org/2021/07/13/searching-for-leadership-at-the-12th-wto-ministerial-conference/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=searching-for-leadership-at-the-12th-wto-ministerial-conference
julh21
(impossivel ignorar a China, demasiado importante) The countries of the World Trade Organization (WTO) will meet virtually next Thursday to promote negotiations on aid to fishing, which began twenty years ago, in order to regulate the exploitation of fish. the seas and curbing illegal activity, but many points of disagreement remain, such as the tax advantages for marine diesel.The 25 main fishing countries in the world are involved in the negotiations except for Iran (which is not in the WTO). China is the world leader in fisheries, followed by Peru, Indonesia, Russia and the United States; Spain, the leading power in the EU, is ranked 19th; Chile ranks 9th, Mexico 12th and Argentina 20th, according to the UN Food and Agriculture Organization FAO.
Fishing nations from around the world met virtually July 15 to try to find a consensus to eliminate fishing subsidies that encourage overfishing.
It’s not the first time the member nations of the World Trade Organization (WTO), including Canada, have met to discuss the issue.
The work began in 2001 and pushed along in 2017 with a mandate issued at the WTO ministerial conference. According to that report, China and Japan provided the highest subsidies of all nations. https://www.saltwire.com/atlantic-canada/business/local-business/wto-aims-to-end-subsidies-that-encourage-overfishing-100611660/
jun21
Biden Needs an International Organizations Strategy. China is currently seeking control of key standard-setting bodies to advance its Belt and Road Initiative, whitewash its oppression of minorities, and isolate Taiwan. Beijing’s power and influence within the U.N. system has grown dramatically in recent years, with China winning
elections to lead specialized U.N. agencies, gaining seats on international
tribunals and
councils, and joining the U.N.
Board of Auditors. Economic coercion—leveraging foreign direct investment and foreign debt holdings—plays a central role in China’s strategy to buy votes in the General Assembly. The World Trade Organization (WTO) and WHO offer two more examples of international bodies in need of U.S. leadership and major reforms. China wants to enjoy the benefits of WTO membership while skirting its rules and stealing Western intellectual property without consequences. https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/06/29/biden-china-russia-international-organizations-strategy-czar-united-nations-multilateral-agencies-control/
jun21 (propostas)
Ahead of a key ministerial meeting of the World Trade Organization this year, India, China and 50 other developing countries are working on a proposal to be able to purchase, stockpile and distribute food to ensure food security.
jun21
(guerra de poder?)China has pipped India to bag the post of deputy director general (DDG) at the World Trade Organization, allegedly by using its good offices with director-general Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala. India had applied for WTO DDG post from the Asian quota, but China was once again successful in bagging the coveted position for the next eight years. The outgoing WTO DDG from Asia was also a Chinese national. Beijing views these coveted posts as critical to seek equivalence with the US as a global power .. ET has learnt that China allegedly used its good offices with the DG to edge past Indian candidature and hold on to the post for another eight years. Sources indicated that China had played an important role in former Nigerian finance minister Okonjo-Iweala's election as WTO DG by getting her extra votes and this could have allegedly influenced her decision. India, on its part, had also backed Okonjo-Iweala's candidature. Over the past few years China has made concerted effort to influence major institutions as part of its attempt to dominate global discourse. China heads four of the 15 principal agencies of the UN and has its deputies in nine other agencies. Plus, there is a network of Chinese nationals at the lower rungs of the UN system as career professionals or diplomats. Mumbai-based think-tank Gateway House in a recent report had alleged that China was using its financial muscle and influential people in the UN were acting as its proxies. To counter this, India must embed "itself in the multilateral system", Gateway House suggested.
jun21
A parliamentary panel in United Kingdom (UK) has warned that authoritarian nations such as China have been trying to "seize control" of international bodies including the World Trade Organisation (WTO), World Health Organisation (WHO) and United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). The panel has warned that if the UK and its allies do not undertake measures to stop the "corrosive influence" of China and Russia then the democratic countries are at a "very real risk" to lose the multilateral organisations to the authoritarian states. https://swarajyamag.com/news-brief/china-attempting-to-seize-control-of-multilateral-organisations-including-who-wto-and-unhrc-uk-parliamentary-panel
jun21
At the end of our hourlong conversation, Ngozi made a direct plea to President Biden and China's Xi Jinping: "Give the WTO a chance."
maio21 (o pensamento da China)
This can be used as long term strategy to build a coalition against the USA and gradually use it in case of trade related issues. There has been a conscious attempt by Chinese government to display its soft power through promotion of issues like free trade and multilateralism at forums like WTO. Chinese stand may appear like a renaissance for many but it has helped it to win friends globally. China has emerged as a leader among developing countries backing free movement of technology, sovereign decision making and openness for the majority. With USA opposing the developing country status of China and strongly advocating more responsibilities for China at platforms like UNFCC and WTO, Chinese have to be prudent enough to realize that they need to win more allies to tackle the USA pressure. If USA is cautioned by its allies( who are also in good relation with China) that trade war is not a zero-sum game but a phenomenon which can have global spill over effects , a solution may emerge. This strategy of patience (involving Weiqi) which China had adopted since trade war gave its positive result with latest talks between the two countries over the sanctions. DEVANSHU JHA (Writer is incoming candidate at the London School of Economics and Political Science.He is an alumnus of Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National University of Singapore and Indian Institute of Management Ranchi) https://www.dailypioneer.com/2021/state-editions/different-strategies-in-chinese-foreign-policy.html
maio21 (O que pensa a China)
During a video conference at the 2021 Summit of Partnering for Green Growth and the Global Goals 2030 (P4G), Chinese Premier Li Keqiang urged countries to safeguard the multilateral trade system and protect it against new green trade barriers. "It is crucial to protect the multilateral trade system with the World Trade Organization (WTO) at its core, guard it against new green trade barriers and reject unilateralism and trade protectionism," Li said during his speech. (...) "Premier Li's comments hint at a trend by some countries, like the US, to hit China with alleged environmental protection purposes," said Gao Lingyun, an expert at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences in Beijing who closely follows trade issues. He added that China should be cautious about this course in the long term, though concrete policies are yet to be designed. https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202105/1224905.shtml
maio21
China's expanding influence in UN (LINK)China's ascendancy in the UN seems almost unquestioned. A study by Gateway House has traced China's expanding influence in the world body, its related bodies, and influential non-UN multilateral bodies. The research was conducted over four months in 2020-21, studying the most important multilateral agencies in the world including UN agencies, funds and programmes, as well as non-UN security, finance, and scientific agencies. The findings revealed that China is in a dominant position in several critical multilateral bodies, in both personnel and funding.
By 1997, China was a member of 20 per cent of multilateral organisations, up from 12 per cent in 1989, and by 2002, started to create new ones, like the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. Over the last two decades, ever since it entered the WTO in 2001, China has set out to influence the global multilateral system. The participation has grown more sophisticated over the years. China has carefully chosen clusters of agencies to lead whose work can be interwoven with and are interlinked to its own domestic agendas like 1½Made in China 2025', and the rise of Chinese companies. The multilateral agenda includes creating new global standards for technology, which can be led by China and its national corporate champions. These in turn are linked to China's foreign policy strategy led by the Belt and Road Initiative, which has its own expansion plans 1½ the Digital Silk Road, Space Silk Road, and the Health Silk Road. The expanding influence is enabled by China's increased monetary contribution to the UN, both mandatory as a UN member and, increasingly, voluntary donations. According to this study, these have risen by 1096 per cent and 346 per cent respectively from 2010 to 201https://assamtribune.com/international/chinas-expanding-influence-in-un-1093561?infinitescroll=1
maio21
Britain will tell G7 allies that it is “now or never” for the World Trade Organization to reform and strengthen its rulebook to stop global trade fragmenting. Trade minister Liz Truss will on Thursday and Friday host a virtual meeting of G7 trade ministers, joined by WTO Director General Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala and other business representatives.
Truss has previously heavily criticised China’s use of subsidies, and will repeat calls for the WTO to make good on promises to modernise its rulebook. “It really is now or never for the World Trade Organisation,” she will say when she opens the meeting. “Like-minded democracies need to lead the charge on trade reform, because if we don’t then there is a very real danger that global trade fragments and that fewer countries end up playing by the rules.” https://www.reuters.com/article/us-britain-g7-trade/now-or-never-for-wto-reform-britain-to-tell-g7-allies-idUSKCN2D72U8
mai21
But, equally, China’s accession has also changed the face of world trade and brought great benefits to the WTO and its members. Now, as the WTO opens a fresh chapter under new leadership, China is well placed to help the organisation rebuild itself to become the driving force of free trade for the post-pandemic world. Institutions were reformed and China enhanced protection of . This ongoing process has led to the creation of dedicated IP courts in Beijing, Shanghai and Guangzhou, as well as special judicial organs in 15 intermediate courts. ... China has changed beyond recognition since it entered the WTO. During this time, the Centre William Rappard, which houses the WTO, has also been extensively remodelled and expanded to house new functions and make room for delegates from the WTO’s growing membership. Unfortunately, the institution itself and the rules that govern world trade have barely changed in this period. This failure to adapt to important shifts in the global economy has caused tension and seriously weakened the organisation. Eyes now turn back to Geneva, which later this year will host the 12th WTO Ministerial Conference. Delayed from last year because of the pandemic, it is perhaps the most important such meeting in recent history. Expectations are building that it will help re-establish the authority of the WTO in the global trade order.If we are to see a rebirth of the WTO, then there is perhaps no more fitting place than the city where the WTO and so many other international organisations were born. Wang Huiyao is the founder of the Centre for China and Globalisation, a Beijing-based non-governmental think tank
maioi21
I am concerned about Chinese privacy and cyber security laws, and I encourage our Chinese government and friends to ensure they are WTO-compatible, and that data is allowed to move freely while protecting personal information and vital cyber security infrastructure. This is going to be a really interesting time to try to keep the market functioning effectively, and not allowing national security to determine what furniture I buy or what food I eat. Let’s define it as narrowly and as carefully as possible. And, to a certain extent, that should be reciprocal: if it is a national security concern with China, it might be a national security concern for the UShttps://www.centralbanking.com/central-banks/economics/7835206/iff-dialogue-the-future-of-china-us-relations
mai21
Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership
The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership agreement provides a golden opportunity for the signatory countries to accelerate their economic upgrading, better leverage their industrial advantages, and deepen regional trade cooperation, according to experts.
The agreement is also conducive to strengthening the production and supply chains in the region, which is extremely important given the wide disruptions caused by the COVID-19 pandemic.
Tu Xinquan, a professor of international trade and dean of the China Institute for WTO Studies at the University of International Business and Economics in Beijing, said the agreement is beneficial to all the signatory states, particularly the developing countries, as it will drastically reduce tariffs, which in turn will boost their economic upgrading.
The significance of the RCEP agreement is profound, as it includes the world's second-largest and third-largest economies, China and Japan, as well as several developing countries, Tu said. The reduction in tariffs for those developing countries will also facilitate global economic upgrading.
In March, Ministry of Commerce announced China had become the first country to ratify the RCEP and in April submitted the instrument of ratification to the ASEAN secretary-general.
In response to the concern that the signatories to the RCEP vary both in the level of development and the size of their economies, and such differences could make the agreement less effective, Tu said it is exactly such diversity that makes the RCEP unique and full of potential.
"The essence of trade is leveraging each country's best advantages," he said. "In that sense, the RCEP is a very comprehensive agreement as participating countries have advantages in a wide range of sectors, including agriculture, manufacturing, services and technology." Such diversity is crucial for an effective and successful regional trade pact.
The COVID-19 pandemic has added to the significance of the agreement, as production and supply chains around the globe have been disrupted, by boosting trade, the RCEP will help increase production and supply.
Similarly, Ma Hong, an associate professor of economics at Tsinghua University, said the fact that the RCEP signatory states vary significantly in scale, level of development, industrial structures and per capita GDP means there is huge room for countries to strengthen their participation in the regional division of labor and trade.
Once the signatory states ratify the agreement, it will notably reduce the cost of trade in the region, and thus help these countries increase their exports and actual incomes, Ma said.
http://epaper.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202105/24/WS60aadb70a31099a2343564d2.html
What do you think about the new Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) in the Asia‑Pacific region – what will its role be going forward? In the context of a US-centred international trade system – and perhaps an emerging China-centred, China-influenced international trade regime – would that be essentially a model for other regional economies, eventually replacing the WTO? Or could that actually be a precursor to countries such as the US and China considering joining the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP)? What is the implication of RCEP on the US?
RCEP was initiated by the 10 countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In 2012, ASEAN members first proposed RCEP and invited China, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Australia, New Zealand and India to join the negotiation. This was named the ASEAN Plus Six group. RCEP successfully concluded negotiations in 2020. This is a victory for free trade policy and for multilateralism. India opted out of the agreement in November 2019, but the door is open for them should they wish to rejoin at a later stage. RCEP is high quality and covers a number of sectors: 90% of goods can traded tariff-free within the zone. This is a very important development. We really hope this agreement can contribute to regional development, increase GDP for the region and adhere to WTO rules and regulations.https://www.centralbanking.com/central-banks/economics/7835206/iff-dialogue-the-future-of-china-us-relations
Mai21
As a major exporter, China sees trade deals like the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) as means to boost its economic role in Asia. Beijing led the RCEP regional trade deal last year, when China and 14 other countries in the Asia-Pacific region signed the pact in November. It covers 2.2 billion people and 30% of the world's economic output. Now, there are reports that China is even pushing ahead with behind-the-scenes talks to join the CPTPP. This is ironic as the CPTPP evolved out of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), a deal that originally aimed to exclude Beijing and cement US economic power and trade ties in the Asia-Pacific region. However, Donald Trump pulled the US out of the TTP and it fell apart until it was revived as the CPTPP.
Officials from Australia, Malaysia, New Zealand and other nations have held technical talks with Chinese counterparts on details, Bloomberg reported recently. Ultimately the terms of the CPTPP could prove troublesome for China. The CPTPP has rigorous requirements, particularly its provisions on labor, procurement, state-owned enterprises, state support and subsidies, e-commerce and cross-border data transfer. https://www.dw.com/en/changing-global-order-poses-fresh-challenges-for-trade-deals/a-57625601
Mai21
( A WTO está numa encruzilhada; o que pode fazer a China neste contexto - Presente)
China should seize the window of opportunity to rebuild the World Trade Organization’s authority in the global trade system while also being mindful of “a small circle” of nations pursuing unilateralism and protectionism, a senior trade adviser said on Friday.
“The direction should be trade liberalisation and facilitation,” said Yi Xiaozhun, elaborating on the Chinese principle of reforming the WTO after stepping down as deputy director general of the trade body last month.
“But we should stay alert to the intention [of some countries] to spread trade protectionism, and [we must] prevent globalisation from being driven backward,” he said at a seminar hosted by the Centre for China and Globalisation, a Beijing-based think tank.
He did not mention the United States or other countries by name, but the China-US trade war has largely paralysed the WTO’s multilateral trade endeavours since 2018.
The comments come as the 164-member organisation has been operating without its Appellate Body, which arbitrates global trade disputes, since former US president Donald Trump in 2019. The future of multilateral trade is now at a crossroads, and reforming the WTO is high on the agenda for Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, who was sworn in as the trade body’s new chief in March. Her four deputy director-generals, including
Chinese national Zhang Xiangchen and American Angela Ellard, were announced last week. Yi also addressed China’s priorities and concerns in the face of various reform proposals.
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